Thank you, Mr Chair.
The United Kingdom welcomes the US-brokered ceasefire of 9–11 May. We note Ukraine’s offer to extend the ceasefire on long-range strikes beyond 11 May. This offer fits squarely with Ukraine’s long-standing efforts to create a more conducive environment for negotiations on a just and lasting peace. Regrettably, Russia wasted no time in restarting long-range strikes – once again choosing the path of destruction over the path of peace.
We saw the consequences of this overnight, with Russia launching over 600 drones and nearly 60 missiles, predominantly at Kyiv. A residential building, a school and a veterinary clinic were damaged. We condemn these barbaric attacks.
Mr Chair, children have been among the most gravely affected by Russia’s decision to choose war. Thousands of Ukrainian children have been forcibly transferred or deported, subjected to indoctrination, and, in some cases, exposed to militarisation.
That is why the United Kingdom has imposed a package of targeted sanctions against individuals and entities involved in the forced deportation, indoctrination and militarisation of Ukrainian children. These measures form part of a coordinated international response alongside our partners, including the UK’s participation at the High‑Level meeting of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children in Brussels, reaffirming our commitment to accountability and to the safe return of children to their families and communities. We will, of course, return to this subject later in our meeting.
Mr Chair, this Council exists because participating States once shared a clear vision of security in Europe. The Helsinki Final Act spoke of security built “through cooperation” rather than confrontation, and the Charter of Paris committed us to a Europe “whole, free and at peace”. The OSCE was designed to translate that vision into practical tools dialogue, transparency, restraint, and verification.
Russia’s actions over many years have steadily eroded that model. The continued presence of Russian forces in Moldova and Georgia against the host countries’ will, the illegal attempted annexation of Crimea, and Russia’s full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine have all struck at the foundations of cooperative security. Alongside this, Russia has hollowed out the OSCE’s instruments obstructing confidence- and security-building measures, disregarding requests under the Vienna Document, and contributing to the wider erosion of the European arms control architecture.
The impact is visible in this very room. Weekly Permanent Council meetings are confrontational rather than problem-solving. Agreed OSCE mechanisms for military transparency and risk reduction are weakened or unused. Trust has been replaced by accusation, and predictability has been replaced by escalation.
Russia’s treatment of this Organisation has also unfortunately extended to its personnel. We condemn the continued detention of our three colleagues Vadym Golda, Maxim Petrov, and Dmytro Shabanov. This is emblematic of a broader pattern obstruction of independent scrutiny and disregard for the spirit of commitments undertaken by consensus.
Mr Chair, none of this was inevitable. The OSCE does not require reinvention; it requires recommitment. A return to the founding purpose of this organisation would mean engaging seriously with OSCE mechanisms, restoring transparency and restraint, respecting agreed rules, and ending actions that fundamentally contradict them.
Above all, it would require Russia to end its illegal war of aggression and to withdraw its forces from Ukrainian, Moldovan and Georgian territory. We urge Russia to do this. Above all, of course, because it is the right thing to do. But also because it is the only way to change the status of this organisation from a theatre for confrontation, which is a direct consequence of Russia’s actions, to something more recognisable to all of its founding fathers.
Thank you.
