It is no coincidence that Sir Keir Starmer began his premiership last summer with a whirlwind of foreign policy activity: hosting the European Political Community summit at Blenheim Palace, flying to Washington for the 75th anniversary Nato summit, and reaffirming Britain’s role in supporting Ukraine. In doing so, he signalled Britain’s renewed seriousness as a global actor. And while this may not always be fully appreciated at home, it is being clearly registered in Moscow.
Research at the New Eurasian Strategies Centre into Russian-language media – both traditional and social – shows a sharp rise in attention paid to Starmer. At times, the prime minister has received more than four times the coverage of his Russian counterpart, Mikhail Mishustin. His media profile has tripled since last October, peaking during key moments: the London Summit for the “coalition of the willing” in March, the signing of the UK-Ukraine 100-year security pact in January, and the announcement in November that Britain had persuaded the US to allow Storm Shadow missiles to be used against targets inside Russian territory. These are not random spikes – they reflect the Kremlin’s perception that Britain is back in the game.
Russian state broadcasters, such as Channel 1 and Russia 24, have portrayed Starmer as an obstacle to peace, casting him alongside Emmanuel Macron as part of a European front undermining negotiations and manipulating Donald Trump. Just as Boris Johnson was previously accused of derailing peace talks in Istanbul in 2022, Starmer is now depicted as a quieter, but no less deliberate, spoiler. Britain is simultaneously mocked as a fading empire and feared as a nuclear puppet master – a contradiction that perfectly captures the style of Kremlin propaganda: sow doubt, distort reality and turn assertive leadership into alleged warmongering.
This is not a new script. Russia has long viewed Britain with a blend of fascination and suspicion. The phrase “the Englishwoman is always up to nasty things”, which is still widely quoted in Russia, emerged during the 19th-century imperial rivalries in central Asia. From the Crimean War to the Cold War and into the post-Soviet period, Britain has been cast as a meddlesome force working behind the scenes to thwart Russian interests. Boris Johnson, with his theatrics, made an easy target. Starmer, by contrast, is treated with wariness – less noise means a greater threat.
The New Eurasian Strategies Centre’s Media Presence Index, which monitors more than 600,000 Russian sources daily, offers a rare insight into these shifting narratives. Starmer’s visibility is not accidental. In a media system as tightly controlled as Russia’s, coverage of foreign leaders is intentional. Visibility signals threat. It means you are being taken seriously.
But Britain’s perceived threat goes beyond weapons or diplomacy. Its soft power – cultural, legal, intellectual – remains influential. From Shakespeare to the British Museum, from English-language media to universities, from the City of London to the BBC, Britain continues to be admired in Russia from this perspective. The Kremlin knows it – even if the British public often underestimates it.
This explains the sharp tone of state media coverage. Starmer is painted as part of a duplicitous “Anglo-Saxon” elite seeking to prolong the war. The messaging shifts by the day – Britain as a spent power one moment, and the engine of escalation the next. The goal is not coherence, but confusion, provocation and polarisation.
Yet even within Russia, not all audiences are persuaded. Under anti-Starmer posts, a growing number of “dislike” reactions and other disapproving responses suggest cracks in the propaganda wall. Narrative control may be tight, but dissent is not completely extinguished.
In Russian media logic, prominence reflects perceived threat. The UK’s role – especially on Ukraine – has made it visible, credible, and therefore dangerous in the Kremlin’s eyes. That is why Starmer is being targeted.
But with this visibility comes greater responsibility – not only to lead but to defend. Britain must counter disinformation abroad, strengthen resilience at home, and uphold democratic values. Starmer’s rising profile may trouble the Kremlin – but it is also proof that Britain is once again being counted as a serious actor that can put up obstacles to Russian goals.
Katia Glod is deputy head of foreign policy at the New Eurasian Strategies Centre
